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Abolish the Fund only for the show in favor of the market and federalism

Abolish the Fund only for the show in favor of the market and federalism

Andrea de Liberato
Posted December 4, 2009 by Libertiamo.It

- I confess my immediate "original sin": the beginning of my film career as an entrepreneur I have repeatedly drawn to the infamous Fus (the Fund for the Performing Arts, which funds the cinema, theater, dance, opera, music, circus), created with the help of capital public a dozen films. Only after I gave up a million euro funds for awareness - let us say - "ideological", but not before myself personally became aware of the flaws and distortions of this instrument, which expresses the worst dirigisme ours. That committee of experts mandated to assess the feasibility and artistic value, on paper, this or that project, it is statism of the worst kind: how can we ignore the prevailing logic of patronage (perpetuatesi even after the introduction of greater automation, provided the so-called "urban reform") and the lack of reference to this?

The FUS is a tool that makes the culture industry in a state of inferiority compared to other industries, because it diverts much of the funding to work more or less meritorious from an artistic point of view, ignoring almost completely the commercial value of such products and the financial sustainability of projects. ", There is an idea - Filippo Cavazzoni Istituto Bruno Leoni wrote some time ago - that culture is something separate from the enterprise and then the numbers do not account for the culture." Now is the time instead, to put it still Cavazzoni, "that culture has to do with good management, which refers to the principles of efficiency as it does in other areas of the Italian economy."

There is a very specific historical and cultural reasons underlying the approach that brought in the heavy-handed Eighties establishment of the Single Fund for the Performing Arts. The law of 1963 Corona bartered state aid, the precursors of FUS, prohibiting the creation of works in English, thereby establishing a regulatory barriers exportability of Italian production, until then the main competitor of the American film industry in world markets. Not surprisingly, the most successful in Italian cinema, Dino De Laurentiis, has repeatedly pointed out that this unfortunate measure determines its relocation in the United States and that would have been sufficient (and, from a certain point of view, it would be enough yet) l 'abolition of that system to boost the domestic industry. The Crown Law
is one of the most sad and sinister Italian subsidiary of bad policy: the Communist Party and a large part of the left willingly smuggled contributions to their proteges, writers and directors, with the end of the competition in the Italian film, which until then had straight up kind of solid products, in large part to global markets. How to overcome the current impasse, recognized as such even by the leaders of the cinema audience, as the managing director of Cinecittà Luciano Sovena?

gives us the answer, as often happens, the comparison with the United States of America. Louisiana, Puerto Rico, Arizona and some other states engaged in intelligent policy of tax exemption, which funds up to 40 percent of the budget for film projects, the so called "tax shelters" (ie, a method of reduction of the tax base that results in a reduction in payments to the institution collection) than in the past have paid off handsomely in Canada and Germany. To whom, inevitably, the observation that oppose this policy privileges only works most squalid business, you can remember that many of the early films of Rainer Werner Fassbinder or authors such as David Cronenberg were realized thanks to the use of these funds.
The answer lies, therefore, once again, in tax relief federalism and economic, because the management of funds should, in my view, be delegated to the Regions, the principle of subsidiarity and diversity of various Italian companies: the employment factor in the media is paramount in Lazio, for example , much less in Basilicata and Trentino. And the regions - as is the case in Sicily and the European funds for Baaria Tornatore or the works of many other authors, from Sicily to the German Wenders Pasquale Scimeca - have more projects. The same observation applies to the opera houses and theaters and orchestras, almost always an expression of a very circumscribed area. Something is already happening, in effect: together with the gradual but steady reduction of the state are emerging Fus Fus different regions (Lombardy, for example, has created the Furs, Regional Fund for the show only). Soon we will understand if this phenomenon "subsidiary" will also improve the logical distribution of funds or result in a replication on a regional scale inefficient state-run. Bondi

Minister is carrying out the reforms started by his predecessor Rutelli and has just started operating a first instrument, interesting, although not sufficient: the "tax credit", which is a tax credit given to the production companies of up to Twelve per cent of the costs incurred for the making of a film. There is, in truth, even the anticipation of a tax shelter, whose activation, however, is conditioned to the adoption of a regulation (with a good dose of bureaucratic perversion, it would have to draw their own dying Fus, increasingly meager). While operating from these thousand obstacles, Sandro Bondi is credited with having taken the responsibility of the cultural industry of the country in times of lean. He, however, can start from this initial state of weakness for policy action to revolutionize - in a liberal and market - the entire industry.

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copyrights, intellectual property and digital freedom: the politics of tomorrow

Copyright, intellectual property and digital freedom: the politics of tomorrow

Andrea de Liberato

Posted October 5, 2009 by Libertiamo.It


- Sometimes Europe is shaken by the wind of the news: unprecedented political issues are as dramatically urgent . In the eighties, there appeared the phenomenon of the Greens, which is still important, especially in Northern Europe and France, where, under the leadership of Daniel Cohn-Bendit, ecologists have recently won a resounding electoral success. That guide in Italy, without doubt, failure and the absence of which will, in a few days, the dissolution of the party.
After more than twenty years, we come again to put faced with a disruptive innovation: digital freedom. In past elections, the Piratpartiet Falkvinge of Sweden scored a flattering result, becoming the third political force in the country and electing a representative to Brussels. Were born in other countries similar formations, which have, at least for now, proved less successful: after all, could not benefit from the enormous media event for The Pirate Bay and the subsequent trial.

It seems to me no doubt, however, that we are facing a new generation of civil rights groups. This is a political fact of extreme importance, in contrast to the lukewarm interest shown so far by the forces of our politicians. In Italy computerization of the mass was only partly built and good to take to the poll commissioned a few months ago by Il Corriere della Sera, the vehicle telematics is still little influence on the decisions of the Italian electorate: During the recent election for renewal of the European Parliament, in fact, just over three per cent of Italian voters would be informed on the network and would have been somewhat influenced by it. The state of things is intended is likely to change and it is easy to foresee that, from a few years, the consumption of information on the network continue to grow and become more influential in the formation of political consciousness and electoral choices. If

digital rights, understood as the right to access to network technology, are more or less peacefully recognized at least the citizens of the West fed, it is still much debate your freedom to share material protected by intellectual property laws (music, film, literature, computer programs, etc.).. Using that millions of young men of the network will, inevitably, updating the concept of copyright and revisiting the principle of fair compensation.

E 'was recently approved in France the law Hadopi 2 (or, rather, the law establishing the Haute Autorité pour la diffusion des ouvres et la protection des droits sur l'Internet), after being rejected in his first presentation, by the Constitutional Council. The law, ordered by Sarkozy, expected after three offenses disconnect (for a period between two months and one year) user caught illegally downloading computer covered by copyright. If, in some ways, this is a freedom-law, on the other hand protect the property (intellectual, in this case) is one of the few tasks that even the most fervent anti-statism recognize the State. In addition, the Hadopi represent an institution will end up at least disturbing, if compared to the right to privacy, anonymity and confidentiality of correspondence, the principles that made their Piratpartiet immediately.
The French left has put forward a counterproposal, very little liberal (and God forbid) to introduce a tax on telecommunication companies to do (the so-called broadband tax). A measure which, predictably, would place the burden on the consumer's pockets. Not to mention the fact that, if applied in our country, such a mechanism might be one of the properties managed by parastatal booths, the SIAE (Italian Authors and Publishers).
Even Sarkozy's law has, in my view, a huge limit, which lies in its difficult application, wanting to forcibly normalize a mass phenomenon. Allow me a comparison: the prohibition on soft drugs has not prevented a very wide range of young people who use it. It is no coincidence that, already last year, the Norwegian police has refused to commit nell'accalappiare the occasional pirate.
It is, therefore, a very complex problem and difficult to resolve because, beyond the Far West today, so far there are no role models applied. With the increasing and uncontrollable expansion of the network and the growing number of its visitors, is a theme that appears to be poised to become central in the European political debate (In some countries it already) and, sooner or later, also Italian.

slowly, something begins to move us too. Dates back a few days ago, the presentation of a survey commissioned by the Permanent Nielsen on digital content, according to which about a quarter of Italians connected to the network would be willing to pay to enjoy movies on the Internet, as pointed out by Lamberto Mancini, Secretary General of 'Anica (the union of the audiovisual industries), a legal market and the costs are extremely competitive and attractive to consumers is undoubtedly one of the ways ahead.

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Yesterday, my September 8

Yesterday , my September 8

Andrea de Liberato

Posted September 9, 2009 by Radicalweb

Yesterday was the September 8 , given that many consider crucial and fateful in the history of our country. Honestly, I did not remember until late evening, when the applicant has been recalled by the brave Comrade Peter Bonano radical during the usual meeting on Tuesday.

It seemed only natural to ask why, despite of my hectic work day, I had not even paused in thought for a moment on that day, which surely marked the dramatic death throes of Fascism and the rebirth of democracy ' Italy.

I have concluded, perhaps a little 'apodictic and too personal, that the September 8 has not meant much for Italy. In our unfortunate country, in fact, are very much alive and present many of the structures, deposits and corrupt, fascist regime. And this, of course, not the advent of the Knight, but already in sensational form since the fifties that time, Pannunzio dixit, saw the advent of the "undivided republic of pears," or that regime Partitocratico (with birth, as recently wrote Pannella, many "small PNF) that grips our society, making a cast.

few years ago, Bersani tried ashamed of liberalization (not reaching even touch odious corporations such as insurance, banks, solicitors, reporters are limited to pharmacies, taxis and very little else) the results are almost equal to zero, largely due to the resistance, including political, those same corporations. For this reason, today Italy is a country increasingly dusty and still, with a Justice (administered by the corporation of judges and the bar) is now rotting, as demonstrated by recent investigations on the state of prisons radical and overt impossibility, for a judicial system in tatters, to manage the millions of jobs now pending.

Doctors, lawyers, notaries, pharmacists, architects, accountants, journalists, and their orders of fascist memory, the social security system and centralized bureaucratic state, clientelism, corruption and nepotism in politics, the social dominance of a State Ethics (after the law on medically assisted procreation, adoption is a disgraceful sham living will), crime and violence with the State political assassinations of Fascist , those of sixty years and the perpetual aggression of the citizen-subjects (think of those who died in prison where he was detained for autocltivazione marijuana or insulting a public official), action dirigiste economy are all beautifully perpetuatesi legacy of Fascism in sixty ' years of party politics.

a rotten regime must and will necessarily be subverted by a liberal revolution that now looks like a phoenix visible only to some mad visionary. But patience. They said the same, in the sixties, the birth of the LID, the Italian League of divorce, little more than a decade later, was the cornerstone of a resounding and deafening victory liberal and secular.

Finally, I want to thank my friend Caramel Impusino that, flying over my laziness and slowness in carrying out the common project of creating an association of Internet bloggers and liberal area of \u200b\u200bradical (and not speaking intentionally "galaxy" because we also turn to "non pannelliani") did something very radical: he's cheated, he rolled up his sleeves and created this space, making a wonderful surprise. I'm sure with Domenico Umberto Cosmo, Louis and all other radical friends of Politics on the Net we will make it something unique.

For my part, since I do not have a personal blog post here most of my young readers, hoping that they can provide some food for thought to all of you who are often much brighter than me.

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Radicals in PDL: ancient custom. The mystery is the distrust of the Democratic Party

Andrea de Liberato

Posted September 9, 2009 by Libertiamo.It

- Radicalism is today, to all intents and purposes, a member of the People of Freedom party calling a major, well expressed in the recent elections in which the PDL has proven the strength of a relative majority.
I am referring to the radicalism that has its roots in the party "historic" Cavallotti and which is "born again" in the mid-fifties with the group of The World. The first
liberal reformers and radicals are then Libertia full, just scroll down the curriculum policy of the founders, certainly expressing political views often differ, sometimes very distant from the rest of the PDL. Yet, as pointed out by the same Silvio Berlusconi, a few months ago, during the founding meeting of Liberty, the People of Freedom is very happy, fully expressing the fact his vocation majority to count inside the radical liberal of freedom. Moreover, the positions taken by the most "uncomfortable" by Benedetto Della Vedova (not least, the rather recent Eluana and living wills) were widely reported in the same PDL (come to think first and foremost with Gianfranco Fini) . Liberal ideas, liberal, libertarian are (and, I suspect, will remain) largely minority in Italy, as indeed have always been. In the seventies, in which the radicals got real triumph over divisive issues for the Italian company at the time such as divorce and abortion, the Radical Party barely exceeded one percent of the vote in parliamentary elections. This shows that radical liberalism can be, on some issues subtle problem, a real engine of progress and modernity, because of the strength of its innovative and revolutionary proposals, beyond the electoral success, the occupation of the chairs and put down roots territorial.
's why today that the PDL has damn need of freedom, which brings with it the highest and most noble of the modern right, that of Friedman, Hayek, von Mises, and expressed by Benedetto Della Vedova (Antonio Martino and) a very liberal parliamentary representation. The same electorate
radical, always positioned on a line between right and left, was much larger and nel'96 in '94 (when the radicals competed in elections as allies of the then House of Freedoms) coming to pass easily 3% while the rate increased in electoral terms was paid by the turn of the socialist Rosa nel Pugno (who picked up roughly, in percentage terms the same consents obtained from the recent European Bonino List). This
Berlusconi, Fini and the entire PDL know this very well and were able to profit from the reformist and liberal culture of that part of the world further away from the liberal-radical, liberal policy to the next, already fully embraced by the Radical Party in the nineties (when spoke of "turning liberal" radicals).
addition to the PDL in Italy there is another major party to call (in this case so-called) majority: the Democratic Party, but formal enormously radical.
This is a difficult relationship that is present at the birth of the PD, when Marco Pannella, to do honor to his story (he had hoped for years the birth in Italy of a Democratic Party on the U.S. model) consistently asked to run for office. Request that was promptly rejected by the ruling class piddina, like that of Antonio Di Pietro, and a few years later, Beppe Grillo.
remains a mystery to understand how a majority party that wants to be close the doors to all those who knock on his door, which seem to be guilty of one crime: they can not produce a past ex-communist or ex-Democrat.
Curiously, the original sin of liberalism is forgiven in the juvenile, with the nomination (although hindered, sweaty, contested and painful) of the radical Giulia Innocenzi, but back then it seems predominant over the last European elections, when the Democratic Party has chosen to pay an additional price in terms of declines in support, rather than to live up to promises of a year earlier (with Bettini, who spoke of a million preferences to confirm Pannella in Europe), reaching about "divorce by mutual consent" never happened. The project
Veltroni a large modern leftist party was not to be sneezed at, but, in my view, was not materialized because of the suspicious and biased to various anime closure of the left and in first place in the liberal radicals. A left that will be also fully liberal will be used to express his true vocation: to be a minority, unable to make their own instances, to remain in an Italian context, at least by Carlo Rosselli and Guido Calogero.